3.用radar驱散bat所以bat会绕开wind turbine飞。蝙蝠可以探测到雷达发出的电磁波。事实上，蝙蝠并不喜欢电磁波，所以它们总是远离使用雷达的地方，比如机场。所以，可以在有风轮机的区域使用雷达
1.两个路径是重合的，所以没法儿建在迁徙路线之外。为了让风轮机转起来，风轮机必须建在风力足够大的地方，比如山脊（ridge）。然而，由于蝙蝠的迁移路线是根据山脊确定的，所以山脊正好是蝙蝠活动密集的地区；
2.在白天的时候，蝙蝠会在任何的一个高的建筑上睡觉，bat会在wind turbine上睡觉，所以早上打开的时候会伤害bat；
3.radar会伤害bat的reproduction。蝙蝠之所以不喜欢雷达是因为雷达会损坏蝙蝠的繁殖系统。即使蝙蝠在雷达区域停留很短的时间，也会对它们的生殖器官造成永久的伤害，这样一来，蝙蝠的繁殖率就会下降。
阅读
01
Nitrogen in Crops
植物中的氮
2019.08.24，2018.10.28，2018.03.24，2017.10.15，2017.04.15
讲生态系统中的氮及其对于植物的重要性，植物尤其农作物的生长需要氮元素，atmosphere里都是氮气。氮是两个氮原子构成，其化学键是三个强连接，很难破坏，破坏需要能量或特殊酶。而自然界中获得氮的方式主要有两种：一是通过打雷（thunder storm），生物出现前的地球，只有闪电能把空气中的氮转换为可吸收的氮元素。二是植物通过光合作用吸收氮元素并保留在身体之中，在死后被土壤里的微生物m分解，成为留在土壤中的氮元素。但是氮元素在土壤中的含量高低有差异，从0.1%到0.3%不等，很多都是由雨水冲刷而流失，在人们种了庄稼（harvest crop）之后，土壤里的氮更是会逐渐流失，很多地方都已意识到氮元素在农业生产中的应用问题。但是氮有新的添加方式比如种植豆类植物（legume）、施氮肥。在英国就开始使用氮肥料，并且使得农产品的产量翻番，对氮的应用也看得出英国工业革命的发展；但是在非洲的一些地方，他们还不知道使用氮肥料，非洲人民只能通过不停地换耕地（rotation）来去获得植物生长的氮。
Vocabulary Card
constrains on=limitations on 对…的限制
appropriate=suitable 恰当的
sustain=continue 维持
profoundly=deeply 深入地
02
Greek Sacred Groves and Parks
希腊的神圣森林与园林
2019.09.22，2018.11.11，2015.02.01，2013.07.14
古希腊哲学家研究人与自然的关系，引用了一位哲学家的话，说明natural 和spirit之间的关系，与艺术和人为修饰的东西相反。古希腊很崇尚自然，觉得自然是很神圣的，树是有非常重要的意义，不仅古希腊文化，树木也有spiritual meaning。Grove的地址通常是在一些小地方(比如洞穴之类)，并不是像哲学家所说的是很虚幻的存在。Sacred groves被希腊人认为是神明的住所，他们会把它围起来保护好，擅闯的人会被以神怒威胁，经过grove的动物也会被拿去祭祀。
Vocabulary Card
pondered = thought about 考虑，沉思
fundamental = basic 基本的
mandated = required 命令；授权
promoted = encouraged 促进
真题原文：
In Greek and Roman civilization, parks were associated with spirituality, public recreation, and city living. Greek philosophers pondered the meaning of nature and its innermost workings, the relationships between animals and humankind, and how matter related to spirit. The philosophy of Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) advanced the fundamental notion of nature as the embodiment of everything outside culture, an essence opposed to art and artificiality. This sense of nature and culture as distinct opposites continues to govern ideas about the environment and society today. Meanwhile, the suggestion of a state of nature, wholesome and pure, defined in opposition to civilized life, found acceptance in Aristotle’s time through the concept of the Golden Age—a legendary ideal that had significance for landscape planning and artistic experiment. Described by Greek poets and playwrights, the Golden Age of perpetual spring depicted an era before the adoption of agriculture, when humans embraced nature’s wonder and communicated with spirits in sacred woods. In The Odyssey (800 B.C.), Homer, the great Greek writer, described a garden that was a place of constant productivity, where “fruit never fails nor runs short, winter and summer alike.”
Greek interest in spintuality and nature manifested itself in the tradition of the sacred grove. Usually comprised of a few trees, a spring, or a mountain crag, sacred groves became intensely mystical places by their associations with gods, spirits, or celebrated folk heroes. Twisted trees, sections of old-growth forest, and rocks or caves typically surrounded the naturalistic shrines and altars. As the Roman official and writer Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79) put it, “Trees were the first temples of the gods, and even now simple country people dedicate a tree of exceptional height to a god with the ritual of olden times, and we worship forests and the very silences they contain.”
The Greeks were not alone in their spiritual veneration of nature. Examples of pantheism—the belief that God and the universe or nature are the same—and the worship of trees permeated many cultures. The nations of northern Europe utilized trees as places of worship. In Scandinavian mythology, the tree called Yggdrasil held up the world, its branches forming the heavens and its roots stretching into the underworld. A spring of knowledge bubbled at its base, and an eagle perched amid its sturdy branches. The Maori people of New Zealand celebrated a tree that separated the sky from the earth. For many ancient civilizations, trees signified life, permanence, and wisdom.
In some spiritual traditions, landscapes such as gardens or deserts were treated as abstract emblems of spiritual states such as innocence or despair. Rather than symbolic landscapes, as in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Greek sacred groves operated as literal homes of the gods. Instead of being confined to prehistory or celestial space, spiritual parkscapes were present within the existing cultural terrain. One could not visit a symbol of peace and severity, but one could experience these qualities in a sacred grove.
The spiritual significance of the sacred grove mandated specific preservationist measures. Civil restrictions and environmental codes of practice governed the use of such spaces. Enclosing walls prevented sheep from desecrating sacred sites, while patrolling priests issued spiritual guidance along with fines for vandalism. Laws forbade hunting, fishing, or the cutting of trees. Those not dissuaded by monetary penalties were threatened with the anger of the resident gods.
Such environmental care suggested to historian J. Donald Hughes that sacred groves represented “classical national parks.” By helping to insulate sacred groves from pressures of deforestation, erosion, and urbanization, Greek codes protected ecosystems from destruction. Sacred groves nonetheless represented imperfect parkscapes. Some encompassed relatively small areas such as a section of a hillside or a series of caves. Meanwhile, the fundamental purpose of the grove—the visitation of resident gods—sometimes promoted activities not entirely conducive to modern concepts of conservation. Animals were routinely captured to serve as sacrifices to the gods. Many groves witnessed horticultural and architectural improvements. Flowers were planted, trails cut, and statues, fountains, and caves installed for the benefit of visitors. The grove served as a recreational center for Greek society, a realm of ritual, performance, feasting, and even chariot racing.
03
Oxygen in the Ocean
海水中的氧气
2019.09.21
海水氧气分层及无氧层的影响，以及一些大型小型动物对氧气的需求不一样。
04
李斯特
文章介绍了李斯特（Franz Liszt），他年轻时去耶鲁学音乐，之后20年从事商业，空闲时一直进行音乐创作，直到六十多岁才获得认可。
05
The Print Revolution
印刷革命
2019.12.08，2018.02.04，2018.01.06上午场，2017.05.27，2017.02.18
第1段说明宗教革命与打印机息息相关。宗教革命期间大量的新宗教的小册子和宣传海报流传，促进了打印机的发展。
第2段讲解了造纸术的发展对打印机发展的促进作用。以往的打印在皮毛上，十分昂贵且不方便，后来才换成纸张。
第3段讲解了重金属行业的创新加速了打印的发展。
第4段说明打印机变革带来的社会影响。最开始书籍印刷的中心主要是神职中心，后来发展到大学成为印刷中心。语言上通过重复使得语言标准化，法律更能统一。
Vocabulary Card
allied = related有关联的
compilations = collections合集
dispersed = spread扩散
06
Pleistocene Climate
更新世的气候
2019.03.03，2016.10.22
第一段（引入话题）：更新世冰期开始于160万年前，于大约1.3万年前北半球冰川开始撤退，一直持续到八千年前冰川才到达今天的位置。
第二段（冰期次数）：在更新世期间，冰川并不是持续覆盖地表，而是有一些冰川撤退的温暖间冰期存在；根据冰川推进时带来的沉淀物(deposits)的位置以及冰川撤退后出现的含有植物泥土的位置，地质学家确定了四次大的冰川推进期(glaciation)，以及期间的三次温暖的间冰期(interglaciation)。
第三段（陆地沉淀物测时困难）：困难包括冰川推进时会毁掉先前更老冰川留下的沉淀物；沉淀物本身也会发生变化；有些沉淀物的时间超出了放射性碳测的那个时间的极限；并且冰川的推进在各个地区不总是同时进行，所以不可以把一个地区的冰川推进情况扩展至其他地区。
第四段（问题的解决）：最近，地质学家使用海洋动物贝壳里的CaCO3中氧同位素比例的变化来确定冰川的推进和撤退，具体原理是：在寒冷的冰期，更轻的氧16被蒸发落地形成冰川，所以此时海水中的重氧18/轻氧16的比例(proportion)较高；而当温暖间冰期来临，陆地冰川融化，氧16随融水再次返回海洋，此时海水中的重氧18/轻氧16的比例减小。
第五段（惊人结果）：海底贝壳沉淀物的分析表明冰川的推进和撤退是一个比从陆地沉淀物分析得出的更为复杂的过程：在过去百万年时间里，冰川的推进和撤退周期性地出现（大约每1万年一次），这种周期性惊人地符合Milankovitch从天文学角度对冰期的预测，即照到地球的太阳光量变化诱发了冰期的周期性出现，当然背后还有很多问题尚未解决。
第六段（进一步结果）：冰川推进/撤退的周期性表明整个更新世并非一直寒冷，而是存在温暖的间冰期，温度和今天一样温暖，甚至最后一个间冰期的温度还高于今天，但是在冰期，温度垂直下降，40度以上的高纬度地区的温度竟达到极地一样的温度，但是从间冰期进入冰期和从冰期进入间冰期的速度不同，进入冰期变冷是慢慢的，而进入间冰期变暖是瞬间几十年就完成的。
Vocabulary Card
corresponds approximately to that of North America = match roughly that of North America 与北美的情况类似
simultaneously = at the same time 同步地，同时地
trigger = start 开始
uniformly = consistently 一致地
【更新世】话题重复
2019.05.04，2018.09.02，2017.05.27，2016.02.27，2015.09.12
Pleistocene Extinctions
更新世的物种灭绝
讲的是大型动物的灭绝。第一题问哪的动物灭绝率高，然后有两个可能的因素。第一点说可能是因为气候的变化，但是有反驳提问说有的动物能迁徙到合适的栖息地，为什么有的动物却并没有走？此处举例说明。第二点说可能是人类的捕杀，但是有证据表明当时人口比较少且居住分散，而且大多证据都是小型动物没有大型动物，举了澳大利亚的例子。最后一段进行总结，认为可能以上两种因素都有，综合考虑也许是共同作用的结果。
sparser = more thinly distributed 稀疏的
episodes = occurrence 发生
proponents = supporters 支持者
swift = quick 快速的
真题原文：
At the end of the Pleistocene (roughly 11,500 years ago), many large mammals became extinct. Large mammals in the Americas and Australia were particularly hard-hit. In Australia, 15 of the continent's 16 of large mammals died out; North America lost 33 of 45 genera of large mammals, and in South America 46 of 58 such genera went extinct. In contrast, Europe lost only 7 of 23 such genera, and in Africa south of the Sahara only 2 of 44 died out. What caused these extinctions Why did these extinctions eliminate mostly large mammals Why were the extinctions most severe in Australia and the Americas No completely satisfactory explanation exists, but two competing hypotheses are currently being debated. One holds that rapid climatic changes at the end of the Pleistocene caused extinctions, whereas another, called prehistoric overkill, holds that human hunters were responsible.
Rapid changes in climate and vegetation occurred over much of Earth's surface during the late Pleistocene, as glaciers began retreating. The North American and northern Eurasian open steppe tundras (treeless and permanently frozen land areas) were replaced by conifer and broadleaf forests as warmer and wetter conditions prevailed. The Arctic region changed from a productive herbaceous one that supported a variety of large mammals, to a relatively barren waterlogged tundra that supported a far sparser fauna. The southwestern United States region also changed from a moist area with numerous lakes, where saber-tooth cats, giant ground sloths, and mammoths roamed, to a semiarid environment unable to support a diverse fauna of large mammals.
Rapid changes in climate and vegetation can certainly affect animal populations, but the climate hypothesis presents several problems. First, why did the large mammals not migrate to more suitable habitats as the climate and vegetation changed After all, many other animal species did. For example, reindeer and the arctic fox lived in southern France during the last glaciation and migrated to the Arctic when the climate became warmer.
The second argument against the climatic hypothesis is the apparent lack of correlation between extinctions and the earlier glacial advances and retreats throughout the Pleistocene Epoch. Previous changes in climate were not marked by episodes of mass extinctions.
Proponents of the prehistoric overkill hypothesis argue that the mass extinctions in North and South America and Australia coincided closely with the arrival of humans. Perhaps hunters had a tremendous impact on the faunas of North and South America about 11,000 years ago because the animals had no previous experience with humans. The same thing happened much earlier in Australia soon after people arrived about 40,000 years ago. No large-scale extinctions occurred in Africa and most of Europe because animals in those regions had long been familiar with humans.
One problem with the prehistoric overkill hypothesis is that archaeological evidence indicates the early human inhabitants of North and South America, as well as Australia, probably lived in small, scattered communities, gathering food and hunting. How could a few hunters destroy so many species of large mammals However, it is true that humans have caused major extinctions on oceanic islands. For example, in a period of about 600 years after arriving in New Zealand, humans exterminated several species of the large, flightless birds called moas. A second problem is that present-day hunters concentrate on smaller, abundant, and less dangerous animals. The remains of horses, reindeer, and other small animals are found in many prehistoric sites in Europe, whereas mammoth and woolly rhinoceros remains are scarce. Finally, few human artifacts are found among the remains of extinct animals in North and South America, and there is usually little evidence that the animals were hunted. Countering this argument is the assertion that the impact on the previously unhunted fauna was so swift as to leave little evidence.
The reason for the extinctions of large Pleistocene mammals is still unresolved and probably will be for some time. It may turn out that the extinctions resulted from a combination of different circumstances. Populations that were already under stress from climate changes were perhaps more vulnerable to hunting, especially if smaller females and young animals were the preferred targets.
2019.01.05
Late Pleistocene Extinctions
更新世晚期物种灭绝
2017.08.26，2017.08.27
Glaciation in the Pleistocene Era
更新世的冰河作用
renowned = famous
concurred with = agreed with
distinctive = characteristic
gradually = slowly
07The i
卵生动物产卵
文章介绍了卵生动物产卵（spawn），有一种贝壳类动物，雄性会帮雌性选壳。
08
Biofeedback
生物反馈
介绍了生物反馈（biofeedback），用精神控制心跳、血压、排尿等。
09
Pingo and Palsa Formation
冰核丘和泥炭丘的形成
2019.09.21
在极地会形成两种小山丘（mound），一种大一些叫pingo（冻胀丘），一种小一些叫palsa（泥炭丘）。这篇文章只有三段。第一段：pingo的形成原理是一个小的ice core不停膨胀，越冷膨胀得越大，形成pingo；而pingo长得越大，ice core 会collapse形成一个深水塘。第二段&第三段：palsa的形成原理是当地面有高低不平的情况时，风会把雪从高处吹向低处，这样低处就会变热，高处就会变冷，越来越冷越吹越多，高处就形成了一个ice core，膨胀成了palsa。但是palsa长大后上面的白色地衣就会掉下来，变成矮木丛，矮木丛再没了之后就露出黑色的表皮，黑色就吸热了，然后ice core 会collapse形成一个水塘。有一个科学实验花了一年时间，专门把一片极地上的雪扫干净，后来这片地果然变成了palsa。
10
某一时期画作的简化
文章介绍了某一时期画作的简化。
11
The British Economy in the Eighteenth Century
十八世纪的英国经济
2017.07.01
文章介绍了英国的经济起步。
Vocabulary Card
alter = change 改变
booming = rapidly growing 繁荣，激增
anticipate = expect 期望
intrusive = unwelcom e侵入的
12
玻利维亚的农业
介绍了南美洲的玻利维亚人是怎样繁荣发展的，主要依靠农业，有办法提高产量。
13
Animal Bones in Caves
生物骨骼测定气候
2019.10.19
科学家用欧洲洞穴里动物的骨头测定几千年前的气候变化。第一段说洞穴里的骨头分为几种：在洞穴生，洞穴死的动物遗骸，作为食物带去洞穴的动物残渣，和人类出现后打猎的猎物（出否认细节题）。第二段说科学家要收集不同洞穴的动物骨头，并且排出sequence,然后测定气候。 举了一个大学学者例子说明（出细节题） 第三段说其实这个测定也有问题，因为骨头可能会被带离原地。又说小型动物比大型动物更适合拿来做测定，因为他们数量大，走不远。第四段举例说，动物L生长在苔原带，动物R则喜欢温暖湿润的woodland。通过对比这两个动物的数量，推测出从B时代到Y时代（出细节题），气候从寒冷到冷热交替再到重回冰川纪。
14
The Dawn of Life
生命的起源
2019.10.12，2019.04.13，2018.09.16
第一段：生命的起源一直都是科学家们探索的要点。目前最早的有生命痕迹的证据在southwestern Greenland澳大利亚的岩石上被发现。这个岩石距今有3.5billion年。(句子插入题说里面发现了fossilized bats)。但是更早的在荷兰发现的岩石里面的痕迹可能是生命痕迹，也可能不是生命痕迹。荷兰的岩石是4billion years之前，但是澳大利亚的岩石中是已经完全进化好的生命痕迹，所以可以推定生命起源于3.5——4billion年前。
第二段：关于生命起源有很多理论：达尔文的观点是：生命起源于a "warm little pond, with all sorts of chemical reactions." 另一些科学家的观点是：生命起源于海洋里;还有的认为生命起源于靠近海底火山的hot vents里面;另一些人认为生命可能来自于外太空，比如火星。
第三段：生命来自外太空的想法有一些可行性。一些微生物可能埋在太空中的行星中，通过行星撞击和陨石的方式来到地球上。因为埋在行星深处，所以他们可以避免外太空的伤害。然后可以得以保存最后到达地球上。最可能的一个假说是生命来自火星。
第四段：为什么是火星呢?因为火星比地球小，而且大概比地球形成的时间要早。火星刚形成的时候温度比现在高，地表大气比现在要更thicker, 而且火星上有少量的水。在最初形成的时候，火星和地球上都经历了很多行星撞击，而且很多时候有些行星撞击到地球上后的喷溅物可能又回到火星上。两个星球接受到的撞击物大概是类似的。但是地球上的水比较多，撞击到海洋里会形成很大的热量，海水温度会过高杀死一些微生物。但是火星上水比较少，就避免了这种问题。所以最初的生命可能在火星上形成然后通过行星撞击的方式来到地球。
第五段：但是这些都是假说，现在也没有发现证据表明这些理论。但是火星上因为撞击比较多，现在表层都是撞击的痕迹。所以如果有生命，可能在packed surface下面的深处。
Vocabulary Card
upheaval = disorder 剧变，动荡
subtly = slightly 轻微地
contemplated = thought 计划，深思
vicinity = surrounding 临近
【生命起源】话题重复
2019.09.07下午场，2019.08.24，2018.04.15
Where Life Arouse
生命的起源
地球上的生物可能是火星金星上通过陨石带来的早期生物。从关于火星的一个现象引出关于microbes是否会从一个星球travel到另一个星球以及在此过程中是否能够存活的研究，有一个证据是关于salt crystal之类的一个微生物，有少量可以存活来支持这个假说，但是有个缺陷是被发现存活的这个微生物十分年轻；有人认为尽管这些微生物在宇宙中的生存环境比较恶劣(射线、真空加寒冷)，但是这些微生物可以进入某些休眠状态并且附在某些太空碎片里面进行漂流(drifting),因此当某块陨石坠到地球上，很可能这个里面就有这种来自其他星球的微生物。
preponderance = majority 多数
isolated = separated 隔离的
harness = utilize 利用
vicinity = neighborhood 临近，周边地
15
Art and Culture of Pacific Northwest Communities
西北太平洋族群的艺术和文化
2019.12.07，2019.10.19，2018.12.15，2015.03.07，2013.01.27，2012.07.22
美洲某一个文明。第一段介绍了文明出现的有利条件：人们不种地不驯养动物，而是gather和hunter。这个地方资源丰富，有天然山脉抵挡敌人等等。第二段说这里发展出了几种文明，他们互不相通语言。第三段说某个部落以亲属关系为联系，没有发展出独立的集权制度（出细节题）， 靠的是几个家庭的管理。第三段介绍了一个有名的艺术品。一个柱子。这个柱子介绍了家族的历史和地位（出细节题），有一些动物装饰纹案。第四段介绍了另一个艺术品，一个面具。 这个面具有很多造型，尽管发展出了传统纹饰但是每个面具都不一样。第五段说面具会因为使用目的不同而变化，有些是为了纪念家族祖先，有些带动物的是为了精神图腾。尽管每个地方都有 不同的面具，但是因为这些面具因为战争贸易等原因，被带离原地，所以难以确定他们的来源（考了简化题）。
Vocabulary Card
diffusion = spread 消散
autonomous = independent 自主的
obligated = required 有义务的
真题原文：
Art and Culture of Pacific Northwest Communities
The 1,600-kilometer stretch of the northwestern Pacific coast of North America (from southern Alaska to Washington State) provided an ideal environment for the growth of stable communities. Despite the northerly latitude, the climate is temperate. Natural resources were originally so rich that the inhabitants could subsist by fishing and hunting and gathering, without the need to domesticate stock or cultivate the land. Forests yielded an abundance of wood for buildings, for boats, and for sculpture. Beyond them the Rocky Mountains were an impenetrable barrier against raids. The area appears to have been settled around 500 A.D. by tribes of diverse origins speaking mutually unintelligible languages: from north to south they include the Tlingit, the Haida, the Tsimshian, the Bella Coola, the Kwakiutl, and the Nootka. The culture to which they contributed has, nevertheless, an underlying homogeneity and a distinct visual character.
The peoples of the Northwest engaged in trade as well as warfare with one another, and this may account for the diffusion of cultural traits and artistic motifs throughout the area. Much of their art was concerned with religious ritual objects. But the rest is secular and springs from a preoccupation with the hereditary basis of their complex social structures.
The Tlingit and other nations or language groups were collections of autonomous village communities composed of one or more families, each with its own chief, who inherited his position through matrilineal descent. They had no centralized political or religious organization, but cohesion was given by extensive kinship networks established through marriage, and men and women were obliged to many outside the larger divisions of clans and moieties (tribal subdivisions) into which they were born and into which the social group was divided by matrilineal or patrilineal descent. Thus families built up riches by marriage without any one family acquiring a dominant position.
Totem poles (see figure below), the most distinctive artistic product of the Northwest, were conspicuous declarations of prestige and of the genealogy (family history) by which it had been attained. These magnificent sculptures that probably originated as funerary monuments were first described by travelers in the late eighteenth century. Each one was carved from a single trunk of cedar, and the increasing availability of metal tools both permitted and encouraged more complex compositions and greater height—up to 27.4 meters. Their superimposed figures—eagles, beavers, whales, and so on—were crests (symbols of identity) that a chief inherited from his lineage, his clan, and his moiety. They were not objects of worship, though the animals carved on them might represent guardian spirits. Poles were designed according to a governing principle of bilateral symmetry, with their various elements interlocked so that they seem to grow organically out of one another, creating a unity of symbolism, form, and surface.
Masks (see figure above) are the most varied of the carvings from the Northwest, where they were an essential part of communal life. ■In style they range from an almost abstract symbolism to combinations of human and animal features and to a lifelike naturalism sometimes bordering on caricature (a style that strongly exaggerates features or characteristics), taken to its extreme in Tlingit war helmets. Some differences must have been due to those among the cultures in which they were created, but their place of origin cannot always be ascertained as they seem to have passed from one contiguous nation to another in the course of trade or warfare. ■Although carvers worked according to established conventions, no two masks are identical and those with basic similarities reveal varying degrees of skill.■
The major differences between masks were determined by their purpose. Some were representations of chiefs and their ancestors and made to be displayed and treasured as heirlooms. Although they appear to record the styles of facial tattooing customary in different groups, it is difficult to say how far they were intended to be portraits rather than generalized images. Many masks, sometimes quite large, were carved to be worn in dance-dramas that re-enacted and kept alive the cohesive myths of a culture. Often, Tlingit masks were made for religious leaders and incorporated the animals that were believed to be their spirit helpers. Conjuring up forces of nature from the ocean, the forests, or the sky, they mediated between life on Earth and the inscrutable powers around and above.
16
脊椎动物的体温调节
2019.11.02，2019.10.26，2019.10.12
在恒温不恒温的旧分类上提出了动物的新的分类。原来的是看它们依靠外界还是自身提供热量，后来换了一种方式来分成两类。
单词考了expose （那一段的意思是有一种鸟晚上给自己降温，白天就晒太阳给自己升温）那篇文章最后一段是在讲这种分类还可以运用在性别不同的情况，举的例子是蛇。
17
Questioning the Prehistoric Agricultural Revolution
对史前农业改革的质疑
2017.09.30
文章共6段。第一段说新石器时期农业的兴起，促使人们之前已打猎集会为主，转而开始驯养业以及农业的转变。并且人数增加。第2段说明从小型的25人为一个群体转变成更大的community，社会的复杂性变强。第3段进一步从不同角度去理解Neolithic transition并且研究其是如何产生的。第4段并从两方面给出证据：archaeological 和ethnographic。第5段说明由于Catal 的最近发现，由之前的hunting和gathering会逐渐转向驯养业，然后才是农业，这并不是一夜之间的事，是缓慢形成的。最后一段给出一个遗址Abu Hureyra(11500-7000BC),有150-300个community发现广阔的大草原和植物群。
Vocabulary Card
prelude to = introductory step to 前奏，序幕
facets = forms 切面，形状
impressive = remarkable 令人印象深刻的
elaborate = complex 复杂的
explored = discovered 开发，发现
18
Nile River
尼罗河
19
面部肌肉工作机能
介绍了人类面部表情表达的生理原理。
20
Sumerian Contributions
苏美尔人的文明发展
2019.05.11，2014.05.24，2015.09.05
第1段讲到苏美尔原来人口稀少，因为每年都有洪灾。但是后来农业发展，人口增多。
第2段讲苏美尔地区土壤特别肥沃，农业的灌溉以及种植需要有人管理和监管，而 priesthood 起到了这个功能。
第3段说明Sumerian 发明了文字，当时的 cuneiform 是在 2800bc 形成的。Sumerian 是 temple city, 一开始出于官方记录 temple 的建造，劳动力分工等发明了文字，后来文字延用于商业交易。
Vocabulary Card
unpromising = unfavorable 不利的
a wealth of = an abundance of 大量的
scarcity of = lacking in 缺乏
diffusion = spread 传播扩散
21
某鱼类习性
一种鱼的特征是 female很小male很大。
本场其他词汇题补充
indifferent 无关紧要的，中立的
concur = coincide 一致，同意
critical = essential 重要的
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发表于 2020-1-8 11:01:51
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